Two sorts of contempt for women: Hillary R. Clinton versus Donald J. Trump – who is more disparaging towards women?

By now, the 45th president of the United States has taken office. The disappointment on the losing side about the missed, previously believed as certain, victory still looms large. Though what appears to many as a betrayal of Hillary Clinton as a symbolic figure of the women’s cause requires a more thorough contemplation.


Donald Trump’s comments about the availability of women in the run-up to the election (“Grab them by the pussy!”) triggered a ritual storm of indignation from the Democratic camp. Furthermore, this revelation made certain in the eyes of Democrats that Trump had so fallen from grace as to make Clinton’s victory unstoppable. Yet, events turned out other than expected.

The women’s question did not play an insignificant role in the American election campaign. However, it was discussed in a superficial manner whereby the Democratic candidate was assigned a progressive and the Republican a conservative image of women. What is overlooked is that both candidates disseminate images of women with an unmistakable conservative hue. Hillary Clinton’s election campaign was in the tradition of an increasingly vague and confused feminism. What’s left in essence is a position that defines all women as members of a collective of victims. According to which their lives are that of victims of hostile powers, of the patriarchy. Individual differences, or those of social strata, do not exist. During the campaign Democrats believed that all women viewed it this way and felt as victims also. If Clinton broke the glass ceiling, then all women would celebrate that as a personal victory, as they all were surrounded by the glass ceiling. The Democratic Party reinterpreted daily challenges at the workplace and in society as a problem of glass ceilings. Clinton did not intend to change the essentials in women’s lives. Poverty and disadvantaging was of as little interest to her as they were to her competitor. Admittedly, her victory would have broken the glass ceiling but it would have achieved little for the dubious women’s collective. Female voters of the Democrats have particularly recognised this and latterly the Democratic Party’s strategists, too. And for this reason the fixation on the subcultural interests of minorities will not continue. Material interests will play a significant role again, as they already did in the campaigns of Sanders and Trump. Neglecting these concerns led to the loss of the Democrats’ traditional industrial workers and parts of the middle class.  This is why the Democratic Party has begun to distance itself from sexually connoted identity politics.

Donald Trump on the other hand has been caught up by the women’s question despite not having any contemporary dealings with the matter. He mentioned years ago that women softened when faced with powerful men and even “fell over”. To grab them by their genitals, which is normally inacceptable, would be without consequence. Trump alleged that only men from politics, business, show business and the pop scene could demonstrate their power confidently in this manner.  Their access to women was facilitated. They didn’t have to seduce, as the women were automatically attracted to such men. Fictional examples of this dynamic can be found in the James Bond films and in TV series such as The Good Wife.

As election campaigns are not about the reality of gender specific demeanour and notions of attractiveness, this was used against Donald Trump by the Democratic camp. He was allegedly a misogynist, demeaning and disdainful of women and encouraging violence against them. Since Clinton’s election defeat people now ponder why this had not led directly to Trump’s election defeat.

What Trump said in 2005 is not repeated in left-liberal circles aloud, even though everyone is in the know. That’s because in these circles this turns a man into a “sexist” and a “violator”. In much of the media as well as in East coast universities, this is tantamount to a social death sentence, destroying prospects for the career and future. Even Nobel Prize winners are not immune to such an escalation. The reproach of sexism against Trump didn’t catch though due to entirely different reasons.   The Democrats’ “subcultural bubble mentality” didn’t want to admit that many voters have completely different worries.

As a sideline, the hope for his failure showed how irrelevant the debate about gender, sexism and male violence has become for the majority of US citizens. It now offers them merely a sensationalist entertainment value. The debate is as exciting as pornography, just without the nakedness. For many, this was only another unpleasant comment by the candidate about women. Yet, indignation does neither bring back jobs nor social security. And not few will also have recognised with a shrug a grain of truth in his remarks. 

But in circles with a liberal notion of sexuality this is evidently not allowed to be called out. Sexuality is all too often thought of as sterile, without surprises, hardly breath-taking and viewed in line with a fiction of an interplay between penis and vagina free of domination. Under the banner of freedom from domination, a barren sexuality is advocated in the image of protestant abstinence of the early settlers. What once was a protestant ethic is today fashioned as the female need for protection. Anyone deviating from this notion is suspected of having a readiness for violence towards women. The fact that love and desire for security mix and enter strange coalitions sometimes, scares most women as little as it does men. It is obvious, can be experienced in daily life at every step and does not remain external to the desire.

Only those who have no day-to-day worries or are already in safeguarding relationships can be shaken by the fact that many women are more interested in establishing a relationship with a “strong” man than a less strong one. It happens intuitively and is embedded into erotic and cultural norms, because the superiority of the man, however small it may be, increases his attractiveness. 

You can also view this behaviour in the framework of evolutionary biology. Women have always been dependent on male strength as this alone allowed them to live in security and to raise children. Until today, this has – despite Pampers, washing machines, welfare state, women’s employment or general modernisation of home work – changed in nuances only. This is why most women still prefer a man capable of providing over the regulating Uncle Sam. And they do so without competing with men as to who has the final responsibility for the welfare of the family.

Fellatio as a reward for devoted men

In the meantime, the liberal cocoon’s remoteness from every day life comes back to bite Trump’s critics, and feminist setting the tone are trapped in contradictions in their critique of Trump. Among them is the journalist and author Nina Burleigh, who in 1998, when President Bill Clinton was involved in the sex affair with the intern Monica Lewinsky in the Oval Office, led the feminist outrage in a different direction than that of 2016. At the time, she defended Bill Clinton and mocked Monica Lewinsky: “I would be happy to give him a blowjob just to thank him for keeping abortion legal. I think American women should be lining up (…) to show their gratitude for keeping the theocracy off our backs.” Grateful women then should act similarly to the intern. Burleigh’s ethics: Men, who do good by women, deserve sexual rewards and these should be given to them without being asked. How could Burleigh then criticise Trump, if she herself acted exactly the way that Trump has described? And the feminist icon Gloria Steinem has defended Bill Clinton with the argument that Lewinsky had complete free will and shouldn’t therefore act as a victim or even as an accuser. Yet for adherents of the feminist rhetoric of victimhood, this kind of complaints are usually a matter of course, which substantiate claims for compensation.

Nevertheless, feminists differentiate between Donald Trump and Bill Clinton. They like one of them, not the other. From the one they don’t like, they do not even tolerate some complacent bearing. Towards the one they do like, they are ethically and sexually accommodating, despite the fact that he does not correspond to their expectations of compliant virility. Therefore, it is not significant what men do, but rather what feminists think of it. Hence, the feminist ethics of male efficiency would be quite simple: Be strong in our eyes and you get sex! If you aren’t then stay away from us! Bad luck for men who overestimate their power or who underestimate women’s expectations. Otherwise the common wisdom persists: “Power renders people desirable!”

Voting with the head and not with the vagina

Women were meant to vote for Hillary Clinton in 2016 because she was a woman. As Democrats had forgotten that material interests dominate election choices and not the anatomical sex, the actress Susan Sarandon shouted angrily at Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright: “I go by issues: I don’t vote with my vagina.”

This criticism taken aside, Trump had contravened against customs, according to which “a gentleman enjoys and never tells”. He furthermore damaged the feminist ideology of pure, selfless women as victims by insinuating they were guided by material considerations in their choice of partner. To get worked up about it requires feminist remoteness and an enthusiasm for gender political discourse of outrage.

To speak the truth can be as risky in times of political correctness as it was during McCarthyism in the 1950s. While women, if they want, can now push forward to all areas of society as much as their social background allows, nothing much changed their expectation that men “to fall in love with” ought to be their superior. That’s why most women, as research shows, still marry upwards and men, consequently, downwards.

Very little has changed in this regard over the last 50 years. As beauty for women and money for men play a special role, both can more easily leave the class of their origin behind. It’s valid for men that they want to fulfil women’s desire for security and support. It’s lucky that men want what women expect of them. This has barely changed either. That’s because it mirrors their power. It bestows them with valuable recognition, which employment does not entail. This is similar to diamonds, which men want to offer their women. They recognise themselves in the diamond on a woman’s finger. Though through brash grabbing “strong” men enter, as Trump’s remarks suggest, the risky terrain of transgression. After all, not all women agree.

Identity or interests

Even this remark, which had been categorised as an appeal to violence, didn’t cost him female voters. In contrast to the identity politics of minorities, which centre around sexuality and self-perception and which can be modelled as a handicraft according to the mood to any shape or form, they have no significant weight for the majority of people. That would be a narcissistic luxury for them, as is common in sexual subcultures but which they cannot afford themselves. Meanwhile, the majority of people are preoccupied with earning their daily bread, their children’s education and the meaning of life. That’s because, as Noam Chomsky stated,  “apart from wages, benefits and security, there is a loss of dignity, of hope for the future, of a sense that this is a world in which I belong and play a worthwhile role.”(1) The fierce conflict between identity and interest (which also acquires steadily a larger significance over here) mirrors the increasing gap between the strata of society provided for and the majority that struggles to make ends meet – precisely the gap between the rich and the poor and without perspective.

The Democrats’ election campaign did not take any interest in this. No one wanted to say out loud that the economic downward trend among the voters would continue. Everyone was afraid of being called an anti-feminist or a misogynist if they questioned candidate Clinton’s politics. Therefore, the Clinton campaign froze to a “superficial progressivism packaged as real social justice”(2) and which she adorned through the media with Hollywood celebrities. Those who did not partake were disdainfully assigned to the “basket of deplorables” and labelled as “irredeemable”.

The market capitalisation of the vagina – erotic capital

Trump’s experiences of influential men being allowed a lot of leeway has been given a remarkable updating through the equality perspective by the sociologist Catherine Hakim (3) of the London School of Economics. From the viewpoint of women she declares as a liberating virtue exactly that behaviour, which is denounced in Trump’s case as violence against women. According to Hakim women, under autonomously controlled conditions, should be prepared to “be grabbed by the genital”.

For Hakim too, as a feminist, wants to improve women’s professional success and income. For this she searches for an ideal way that does not only guarantee success to well-qualified, but equally to little educated, women. She doesn’t want either that only good-looking women jump into bed with their bosses to be rewarded afterwards. She searches for a solution for all women, which is anchored in the different sexual habits of women and men and which should grant all women in every erotic relationship material advantages lifelong. She developed a model based on extensive international research. According to that view it is indisputably proven that, in most cultures, men desire sex more often than women. Man only want one thing. And women, consequently, desire something else or less of that one thing. Fundamental to Hakim’s model of equality is that women desire sex less than men. Therefore the demand for sex among men has to remain in parts unfulfilled. To raise women’s awareness of the rare and desirable good at their disposal, Hakim introduces the law of and demand. Women, as rational participants in the market, should push up the price for their erotic capital. This would be a promising basis for higher incomes and better social status. Women could dictate the price and wouldn’t be exposed to the risk of being reimbursed for sexual performances below the market price. Women of all classes should appoint this as their strategy “in the office and in the bed”. For that reason Catherine Hakim recommends the market capitalisation of the vagina. The discrimination of women could be terminated thus. The women’s movement’s concept of empowerment as self-empowerment gets a grotesque perverse meaning here. For this women have to alter their behaviour. Instead of carelessly surrendering to being in love, they should keep a cool head in order to secure material advantages before the sexual act. In contrast to the old model of virginity, which embodied the women’s value, the feminist model does have the advantage that it can be applied in every relationship anew. The exchange value stays intact well into old age.

Then only the question remains: How does Clinton’s feminist model differ from Trump’s maxims? Well, both resemble each other in their results. Only the routes differ. Trump hands over women to chance through their reliance on male courtesy, which is forcing them into infantile dependency. Clinton on the other hand exposes them to the paternalism of the welfare state. Women have to accept their status as victims. It infantilises women also. And Hakim’s feminist promise turns difficult relationships into a condition of prostitution.

All of this does not change the relationships between the sexes. Traditional conditions remain in place. The third path of mutual acknowledgement will first have to be treaded on.

Vienna (Austria), 8th March 2017
Diese E-Mail-Adresse ist vor Spambots geschützt! Zur Anzeige muss JavaScript eingeschaltet sein!


(1) Noam Chomsky (14th November 2016). “Trump in the White House: An interview with Noam Chomsky.” Truthout. Retrieved from

(2) Sarah Jones (10th November 2016). “Hillary Clinton’s Celebrity Feminism Was a Failure.” New Republic. Retrieved from

(3) Catherine Hakim (2006). “Women, careers, and work-life Preferences.” British Journal of Guidance & Counseling 34(3); s. a. Hakim (2010). “Erotic Capital.” European Sociological Review 26(5), 499–518.


Weitere Beiträge

Was heißt „populistisch“?

Menschen, die eine andere Meinung als der politische und mediale Mainstream haben, werden als „Populisten“ bezeichnet. Das gilt insbesondere für Menschen, die eine rechte oder angeblich rechte Meinung vertreten. Sie werden als „Rechtspopulisten“ bezeichnet.
Die Etikettierung des politischen Gegners als „Rechtspopulist“ dient dazu, ihn in die rechte Ecke zu stellen und dadurch mundtot zu machen. Das...


Role models – wofür?

Sind weibliche Führungskräfte in erster Linie weiblich oder in erster Linie Führungskraft?
Durch Zufall bin ich im Blog von Wolfgang Goebel, dem Personalchef von McDonald’s Deutschland, auf einen Beitrag mit dem Titel “Wie ernst ist locker?” gestoßen. Was dem Titel nicht unmittelbar zu entnehmen ist, es geht um ein “Gender Meeting”, ein Treffen der “McDonald’s German Women’s Network Gruppe”, also...


Allen Frauen Gutes tun - der Mutter zuliebe?

Kollektive Schuldgefühle gibt es nicht. Wer in der Debatte über die aktuellen wie historischen Arrangements von Männern und Frauen sich Gedanken über eine männliche Kollektivschuld macht, der sitzt im Boot der Feministen und Genderideologen.
Er hat sich nämlich die Ideologie angeeignet, nach der alle Männer Täter seien und alle Frauen Opfer. Nur mit dieser Annahme lässt sich die Vorstellung...


Bin ich jetzt ne Frau?

Was hindert mich eigentlich daran, mich als Frau zu bewerben? Nur mal so zum Zwecke des Disputs, um Schwächen und Disploits gegen die Politik zu diskutieren:
Was hindert mich eigentlich daran, mich als Frau auf Vorstandsposten, Aufsichtsratssitze und Professuren zu bewerben und die Frauenquote für mich in Anspruch zu nehmen? Das beruht doch alles auf der Gender-Sichtweise, die rundweg...


Diversity kann letztlich nur Individualität bedeuten

Diversity soll Vielfalt bedeuten. Doch die bestehenden Diversity-Programme orientieren sich nicht an der Vielfalt von Individuen, sondern an der von Kollektiven.
In immer mehr Unternehmen und Organisationen werden Diversity-Programme eingeführt. Beispielsweise bei der Deutschen Bahn AG. In einem Interview für das Portal ATKearney361Grad gibt Annette Gräfin von Wedel, Leiterin der Abteilung...


Neid und Missgunst – der schwankende Unterbau der Gender Studies

Was ist unerfreulicher? Beneidet zu werden oder selber ein Neider zu sein? Da Neid ein heftiges Gefühl ist, kann es die Seele des Neiders auffressen und dem Beneideten den Spaß am Gegenstand des Neids vergällen. Aber Neid gehört zum Leben dazu und es lohnt sich, diesen nicht nur zu benennen, sondern auch zu fragen, welche Bedeutung er in Gesellschaften annehmen kann. Und zwar auch im guten...


Zombie-Feminismus, Antisexismus und Demokratie

Es gibt nur einen Feminismus“, sagt die Grüne Renate Künast. „Zu keinem Zeitpunkt gab es nur einen Feminismus wie die in Stein gemeißelte Lehrmeinung, sondern seit den Anfängen standen stets mehrere Konzepte nebeneinander“, sagt die grüne Böll-Stiftung. Wer das wiederum für einen Widerspruch hält, kennt sich nur mit dem Thema nicht richtig aus.
Wer sich aber mit dem Thema nicht richtig...


Nervenstark: Monika Ebeling trotzt feministischer Randale in Mainz

So gegen 17:30 Uhr betrete ich den Mainzer Campus, lieber ein gutes Stück zu früh als zu spät. Wenn die "Antifa Mainz Wiesbaden" ihren Protest schon unter anderem damit ankündigt, dass ich bei einem Vortrag im Publikum sitze, will ich natürlich nicht zu spät kommen: Das sähe dann so aus, als würde man die Antifa nicht ganz ernst nehmen, und das wäre politisch vermutlich mal wieder das völlig...


Unser täglich Einheitsbrei gib uns heute

Liebe Journalisten,
in aller Regel nehme ich von anderen Menschen zunächst das Beste an, bis mir das Gegenteil bewiesen wird. Aber ihr macht es einem wirklich nicht leicht.
Ich kann mir gerade eben noch vorstellen, dass das Weglassen der einen oder anderen relevanten Information aus Unwissenheit geschieht. Etwa in einem Artikel über männliche Unterhaltspreller nicht darauf hinzuweisen, dass von...


„Schreib nicht von Deiner Nachbarin ab!“

„Lange bevor die PISA-Studie erschienen war, wussten wir beide, was in unserem Bildungswesen los ist, und ich habe einmal zu Ihnen gesagt, das komme daher, dass auf der einen Seite die Linke die Anforderungen in unseren Schulen immer weiter abgesenkt hat, um den Kindern aus nichtarrivierten Schichten den sozialen Aufstieg zu erleichtern (ein Motiv, das ich gut verstehe), und dass die...


Die Angst vor der Objektivität

Der Begriff der Objektivität ist in Verruf geraten. Postmoderne und feministische Autoren entwickeln ihre Positionen in Abgrenzung zur metaphysischen bzw. absoluten Objektivität.
Doch sollten wir deshalb auf Objektivität verzichten? Oder lässt sich ein Begriff von Objektivität finden, der nicht-metaphysisch wäre und an dem sich die wissenschaftliche Forschung orientieren könnte?


Die Marktlogik der Gender Studies

Als vor einem Monat schon wieder ein Text zur Verteidigung der Gender Studies in einer überregionalen Zeitung erschien, hatte ich keine Lust mehr. Die Vielfalt zum Schweigen bringen heißt dieser Text, verfasst von der Gender-Forscherin Franziska Schutzbach, erschienen in der Schweizer Wochenzeitung.
Dass es Kritikern der Gender Studies irgendwie bloß um eine „Verunsicherung“ angesichts der „Vielfalt“...